由于公共演讲一般受众为数十人甚至数百、数千人，再加上演讲环境的不确定性（比如：观众的欢呼，或者抱怨），最好在进入主题后马上给出所讲内容的逻辑框架，以便听众更好的预判整个演讲内容，有利于他们更好地跟随演讲者的思路，达到良好的演讲效果。比如，乔布斯在该次演讲中，开篇稍微寒暄开篇之后，就进入正题，“today i want to tell you three stories from my life. that’s it. no
big deal. just three stories.”学生们马上能做出逻辑预判，我们今天会听到乔布斯谈三点，然后具体关注是哪三点，这种演讲就具备了“audience-centeredness”（以观众为中心）的特质。乔布斯在随后的演讲中明确提到，“the first story is about connecting the dots. my second story is
about love and loss. my third story is about death.”由于这种明晰的思路，听众在听完之后也会记忆犹新，不会觉得头脑混乱，毫无所得。
开篇的目的是要吸引听众，乔布斯在该篇演讲稿中使用的是“relate the topic to the audience"（关联话题与听众）的方式，这是一种比较有效的方法，人们一般对自己的事情都很关注，和自己相关的事情也会格外留意，乔布斯在开篇说到，“i am honored to be with you today at your
commencement from one of the finest
universities in the world. i never graduated from college. truth be told, i
never graduated from college. this is the closest i’ve ever gotten to a college
graduation.”高度赞美斯坦福大学是最好的大学之一，就是在与听众发生关联，让大家产生好感，当然老乔还用了适当的幽默，更好地融洽了与听众的关系，“简洁、有效”本就是乔布斯的演讲风格。除此之外，还有其他的一些开篇方式，我们也需要了解和掌握。 1. state the importance of your topic（指出演讲话题的重要性）。直接告诉听众，你的演讲重要在哪里。比如：今天要做的是一场“英语演讲的艺术”的演讲，那开始就直接指出，该演讲对于大家今后的学习工作将会有重大的帮助，甚至给出一些数据和实例，让听众明白不听这个演讲将会是我的损失。这样，听众就会很乐意投入到该次演讲中去。2. startle the audience （使听众震惊）。例如：要做一场关于“生活方式与疾病”的演讲，开篇就可以给出一组极具冲击力的数据，让听众看到生活方式的不健康将会是多么可怕的事情，这样的震惊使听众能够快速调整状态，投入到听演讲中去。3. arouse the curiosity of the audience（引起听众的好奇心）4. question the audience（向观众提问）。5. begin with a quotation（以引用开篇）。6. tell a story （以故事开篇）。这些基本开篇的方式被无数的演讲证明是实用而且有效的。
先，我们来看看乔布斯的这篇演讲稿，他的结尾比开篇更加出彩，采用的是“end with a quotation”，达到的效果是特别引人深思。他在结尾说道，“stewart and his team put out several issues of the whole earth
catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. it
was the mid-1970s, and i was your age. on the back cover of their final issue
was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find
yourself hitch hiking on if you were so
adventurous. beneath it were the words:
"stay hungry. stay foolish." it was their farewell message as
they signed off. stay hungry. stay foolish. and i have always wished that for
myself. and now, as you graduate to begin anew, i wish that for you. stay
hungry. stay
在结尾时，可以用结束信号词让听众明白你要准备结尾了，不要让演讲结束得太突兀，比如，“in conclusion", "let me end my speech by
saying...", "i’d like to
close my speech this way."等。具体的结尾方式很多，常见的有：1. summarize your speech（总结演讲）。2. make a dramatic statement（强有力的陈述），这个不同于引用他人之言，往往是演讲者自己的沉淀和呐喊，非常经典的演讲是patrick henry’s legendary "liberty or death"
oration. 他在结尾时说道，"is
life so dear, or
peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the
price of chains and slavery? forbid it, almighty god! i know not what course
others may take; but as for mw, give me liberty, or give me death." 3.
refer to the
中，逻辑要点有三：1.
the first story is about connecting the dots.2. my second story is about love
and loss. 3. my third story is about death. 他在阐释中主要运用了以下手段。首先，举例子。文中用了大量的例子来说明他怎么对待学习、工作和死亡，比如他说起自己决定辍学然后旁听有意思的课程，这些课当时对他没什么实质的帮助，但是十年后在当他设计第一款macintosh 电脑的时候，这些东西全派上了用场，这个例子充分说明了他要讲的第一个要点-- 串起生命中的点滴。在随后的文中，乔布斯大量地讲述了他事业生活中的例子，让听众感受到真实的力量和鼓舞。其次，引用。他除了在文章最后用到了引用，文中也不乏引用的痕迹，比如在讲到死亡时，他引用了一句格言，“if you live each day as if it was your last, someday you’ll most
certainly be right.”这句话能表明他对于死亡的态度。恰到好处的引用往往能使听众印象深刻。第三，数据。在讲第二个故事--关于爱和失去时，乔布斯用到了一系列数据来支撑观点。他说自己是幸运的，因为，“woz and i started apple in my parents garage when i was 20. we
worked hard, and in 10 years apple had grown from just the two of us in a
garage into a $2 billion company with over 4000 employees. we had just released
our finest creation — the macintosh — a year earlier, and i had just turned
30.”数据很直观，能让听众有直接的认识和理解。
hi, everybody! my name is diven. first , i
want to thank new oriental school for giving me this chance to make friends
with the english learning enthusiasts from all over the country .and as you
see, i am an alive and kicking old boy who’s ready to get more new friends
here. personally, i do love making friends with strangers, through which i get
to know stories of them. (time limited) to make my whole story short, i would
like just to share a few of my views on making friends. to us, life is more
like a winding river crossing time than a straight road heading toward the
future. making new friends is like finding new flowing rivers crossing our own,
some of them stirring, some silent and some even mysterious. they came as they
did, all of a sudden. a total indifference to who and what we used to be! but,
for better or worse, we believe each of them is telling a beautiful life story
of its own. every life is for what it is worth. sometimes, you will find a few
of them could ever be so incredibly marvellous and attracting that you cannot
help yourself drinking some luscious water of them, to absorb instructive and
useful elements for your whole life. that is exactly how we are influenced by
our dearest friends. every life is beautiful. i hope that when my hair grows
white and i look back, i can see my life has been full of beautiful interlacing
rivers. look, how beautiful they are! i love life. i love beautiful things. i
love happiness，however,
life is not all about blissful moments.
kind of making it up , "past pain is joy " goes the saying.
it is true that only when most of our young time is gone far away and we take
the rest to look way back can we find even those hard times of our lives look
amazing; even those time when we were hurt by our loved ones，now we see happy tears . time cures
heart and makes it to forgive, believe it or not, but time also can make every
life look beautiful ,and time makes love between friends grow fonder. and
that’s all about it. thanks.
winston churchill presented his sinews of
peace, ， at
westminster college in fulton, missouri on march 5, 1946 .
president mccluer, ladies and gentlemen,
and last, but certainly not least, the president of the united states of
america:
i am very glad indeed to come to
westminster college this afternoon, and i am complimented that you should give
me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly
established. the name “westminster” somehow or other seems
familiar to me. i feel as if i have heard of it before. indeed now that i come
to think of it, it was at westminster that i received a very large part of my
education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. in
fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred
establishments.
it is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen,
perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic
audience by the president of the united states. amid his heavy burdens, duties,
and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the president has
traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to
give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own
countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. the
president has told you that it is his wish, as i am sure it is yours, that i
should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious
and baffling times. i shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel
the more right to do so because any private ambitions i may have cherished in
my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. let me however
make it clear that i have no official mission or status of any kind, and that i
speak only for myself. there is nothing here but what you see.
i can therefore allow my mind, with the
experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the
morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what
strength i have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall
be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
ladies and gentlemen, the united states
stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. it is a solemn moment for
the american democracy. for with primacy in power is also joined an
awe-inspiring accountability to the future. if you look around you, you must
feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you
fall below the level of achievement. opportunity is here and now, clear and
shining for both our countries. to reject it or ignore it or fritter it away
will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. it is necessary
that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of
decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the english-speaking peoples in
peace as they did in war. we must, and i believe we shall, prove ourselves
equal to this severe requirement.
president mccluer, when american military
men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their
directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. there is
wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. what then is the over-all
strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? it is nothing less than the
safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of
all the men and women in all the lands. and here i speak particularly of the
myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the
accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from
privation and bring the family up the fear of the lord, or upon ethical
conceptions which often play their potent part.
to give security to these countless homes,
they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. we al know the
frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of
war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and
contrives. the awful ruin of europe, with all its vanished glories, and of
large parts of asia glares us in the eyes. when the designs of wicked men or
the aggressive urge of mighty states dissolve over large areas the frame of
civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they
cannot cope. for them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to
pulp.
when i stand here this quiet afternoon i
shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is
going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. none can compute
what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”.
our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the
horrors and miseries of another war. we are all agreed on that.
our american military colleagues, after
having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and
computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the
method. here again there is widespread agreement. a world organization has already
been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. uno, the successor of the
league of nations, with the decisive addition of the united states and all that
that means, is already at work. we must make sure that its work is fruitful,
that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not
merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the
shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a
tower of babel. before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments
for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon
shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. anyone can see with his eyes open
that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as
we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them
-- i cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
i have, however, a definite and practical
proposal to make for action. courts and magistrates may be set up but they
cannot function without sheriffs and constables. the united nations
organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed
force. in such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. i
propose that each of the powers and states should be invited to dedicate a
certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. these
squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move
around in rotation from one country to another. they would wear the uniforms of
their own countries but with different badges. they would not be required to
act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by
the world organization. this might be started on a modest scale and it would
grow as confidence grew. i wished to see this done after the first world war,
and i devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
it would nevertheless, ladies and
gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience
of the atomic bomb, which the united states, great britain, and canada now
share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. it would be
criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world.
no one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the
method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in
american hands. i do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the
positions been reversed and some communist or neo-facist state monopolized for
the time being these dread agencies. the fear of them alone might easily have
been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with
consequences appalling to human imagination. god has willed that this shall not
be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order
before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared,
we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents
upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. ultimately, when the
essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world
organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective,
these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
now i come to the second of the two
marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the
ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. we cannot be blind to the fact that the
liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the united states and
throughout the british empire are not valid in a considerable number of
countries, some of which are very powerful. in these states control is enforced
upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to
a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy.
the power of the state is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or
by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political
police. it is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to
interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not
conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the
great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint
inheritance of the english-speaking world and which through magna carta, the
bill of rights, the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and the english common law
find their most famous expression in the american declaration of independence.
all this means that the people of any
country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by
free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the
character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech
and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive,
unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad
assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. here are the
title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. here is the
message of the british and american peoples to mankind. let us preach what we
practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though i have now stated the two great
dangers which menace the home of the people, war and tyranny, i have not yet
spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety.
but if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that
science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next
few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an
expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human
experience.
now, at this sad and breathless moment, we
are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our
stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no
reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the
nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. i have often used
words which i learn fifty years ago from a great irish-american orator, a
friend of mine, mr. bourke cockran, “there is enough for all. the
earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for
all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and
peace.” so far i feel that we are in full agreement.
now, while still pursing the method -- the
method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, i come to the crux of what
i have traveled here to say. neither the sure prevention of war, nor the
continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what i have called
the fraternal association of the english-speaking peoples. this means a special
relationship between the british commonwealth and empire and the united states
of america. ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and i will
venture to the precise. fraternal association requires not only the growing
friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of
society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military
advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of
weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and
cadets at technical colleges. it should carry with it the continuance of the
present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all naval and air
force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. this would perhaps
double the mobility of the american navy and air force. it would greatly expand
that of the british empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world
calms down, to important financial savings. already we use together a large
number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near
future.
the united states has already a permanent
defense agreement with the dominion of canada, which is so devotedly attached
to the british commonwealth and the empire. this agreement is more effective
than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. this principle
should be extended to all the british commonwealths with full reciprocity.
thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to
works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no
ill to any. eventually there may come -- i feel eventually there will come --
the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to
destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
there is however an important question we
must ask ourselves. would a special relationship between the united states and
the british commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the
world organization? i reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only
means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength.
there are already the special united states relations with canada that i have
just mentioned, and there are the relations between the united states and the
south american republics. we british have also our twenty years treaty of
collaboration and mutual assistance with soviet russia. i agree with mr. bevin,
the foreign secretary of great britain, that it might well be a fifty years
treaty so far as we are concerned. we aim at nothing but mutual assistance and
collaboration with russia. the british have an alliance with portugal unbroken
since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment
in the recent war. none of these clash with the general interest of a world
agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it.
“in my father’s house are many mansions.” special
associations between members of the united nations which have no aggressive
point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the
charter of the united nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as i
believe, indispensable.
i spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of
the temple of peace. workmen from all countries must build that temple. if two
of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their
families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other’s
purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s
shortcomings” -- to quote some good words i read here the other day
-- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners?
why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers?
indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it
may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and
try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more
rigorous than that from which we have just been released. the dark ages may
return, the stone age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what
might now shower immeasurable material(请你收藏好范文，请便下次访问：wWw.91exam.org) blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its
total destruction. beware, i say; time may be short. do not let us take the
course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. if there is to
be a fraternal association of the kind of i have described, with all the
strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make
sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in
steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. there is the path of
wisdom. prevention is better than the cure.
a shadow has fallen upon the scenes so
lately light by the allied victory. nobody knows what soviet russia and its
communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or
what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. i
have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant russian people and for my
wartime comrade, marshall stalin. there is deep sympathy and goodwill in
britain -- and i doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the russias
and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing
lasting friendships. we understand the russian need to be secure on her western
frontiers by the removal of all possibility of german aggression. we welcome
russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. we welcome
her flag upon the seas. above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant,
frequent and growing contacts between the russian people and our own people on
both sides of the atlantic. it is my duty however, for i am sure you would wish
me to state the facts as i see them to you. it is my duty to place before you
certain facts about the present position in europe.
from stettin in the baltic to trieste in
the adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the continent. behind that
line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of central and eastern europe.
warsaw, berlin, prague, vienna, budapest, belgrade, bucharest and sofia, all
these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what i must call the
soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to soviet
influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control
from moscow. athens alone -- greece with its immortal glories -- is free to
decide its future at an election under british, american and french
observation. the russian-dominated polish government has been encouraged to
make enormous and wrongful inroads upon germany, and mass expulsions of
millions of germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place.
the communist parties, which were very small in all these eastern states of
europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and
are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. police governments are
prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in czechoslovakia, there is
no true democracy.
turkey and persia are both profoundly
alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the
pressure being exerted by the moscow government. an attempt is being made by
the russians in berlin to build up a quasi-communist party in their zone of
occupied germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing german
leaders. at the end of the fighting last june, the american and british armies
withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some
points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to
allow our russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the
western democracies had conquered.
if no the soviet government tries, by
separate action , to build up a pro-communist germany in their areas, this will
cause new serious difficulties in the american and british zones, and will give
the defeated germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the
soviets and the western democracies. whatever conclusions may be drawn from
these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated europe
we fought to build up. nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent
peace.
the safety of the world, ladies and
gentlemen, requires a new unity in europe, from which no nation should be
permanently outcast. it is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in
europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former
times, have sprung. twice in our own lifetime we have seen the united states,
against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of
which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible
forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but
only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. twice the united
state has had to send several millions of its young men across the atlantic to
find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between
dusk and dawn. surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand
pacification of europe, within the structure of the united nations and in
accordance with our charter. that i feel opens a course of policy of very great
importance.
in front of the iron curtain which lies
across europe are other causes for anxiety. in italy the communist party is
seriously hampered by having to support the communist-trained marshal tito’s
claims to former italian territory at the head of the adriatic. nevertheless
the future of italy hangs in the balance. again one cannot imagine a
regenerated europe without a strong france. all my public life i never last
faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. i will not lose faith now.
however, in a great number of countries, far from the russian frontiers and
throughout the world, communist fifth columns are established and work in
complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the
communist center. except in the british commonwealth and in the united states
where communism is in its infancy, the communist parties or fifth columns
constitute a growing challenge and peril to christian civilization. these are
somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so
much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy;
but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
the outlook is also anxious in the far east
and especially in manchuria. the agreement which was made at yalta, to which i
was a party, was extremely favorable to soviet russia, but it was made at a
time when no one could say that the german war might no extend all through the
summer and autumn of 1945 and when the japanese war was expected by the best
judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the german war. in this
country you all so well-informed about the far east, and such devoted friends
of china, that i do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
i have, however, felt bound to portray the
shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. i was a
minister at the time of the versailles treaty and a close friend of mr.
lloyd-george, who was the head of the british delegation at versailles. i did
not myself agree with many things that were done, but i have a very strong impression
in my mind of that situation, and i find it painful to contrast it with that
which prevails now. in those days there were high hopes and unbounded
confidence that the wars were over and that the league of nations would become
all-powerful. i do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes
in the haggard world at the present time.
on the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, i
repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent.
it is because i am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that
we hold the power to save the future, that i feel the duty to speak out now
that i have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. i do not believe that
soviet russia desires war. what they desire is the fruits of war and the
indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. but what we have to consider
here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the
establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in
all countries. our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our
eyes to them. they will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor
will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. what is needed is a
settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and
the greater our dangers will become.
from what i have seen of our russian
friends and allies during the war, i am convinced that there is nothing for
which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.
for that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. we cannot
afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a
trial of strength. if the western democracies stand together in strict adherence
to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. if
however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important
years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
last time i saw it all coming and i cried
aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any
attention. up till the year 1933 or even 1935, germany might have been saved
from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared
the miseries hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history
easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such
great areas of the globe. it could have been prevented in my belief without the
firing of a single shot, and germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored
today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful
whirlpool. we surely, ladies and gentlemen, i put it to you, surely, we must
not let it happen again. this can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by
reaching a good understanding on all points with russia under the general
authority of the united nations organization and by the maintenance of that
good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the
english-speaking world and all its connections. there is the solution which i
respectfully offer to you in this address to which i have given the title,
“the sinews of peace”.
let no man underrate the abiding power of
the british empire and commonwealth. because you see the 46 millions in our
island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even
in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and
export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall
not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the
glorious years of agony. do not suppose that half a century from now you will
not see 70 or 80 millions of britons spread about the world united in defense
of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and
we espouse. if the population of the english-speaking commonwealths be added to
that of the united states with all that such co-operation implies in the air,
on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral
force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its
temptation to ambition or adventure. on the contrary there will be an
overwhelming assurance of security. if we adhere faithfully to the charter of
the united nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no
one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts
of men; if all british moral and material forces and convictions are joined
with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be
clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
第五篇：高中生精彩3分钟英语演讲稿
as everyone knows,english is very important
today.it has been used everywhere in the world.it has become the most common
language on internet and for international trade. if we can speak english
well,we will have more chance to succeed.because more and more people have
taken notice of it,the number of the people who go to learn english has
increased at a high speed. but for myself,i learn english not only because of
its importance and its usefulness,but also because of my love for it.when i
learn english, i can feel a different way of thinking which gives me more room
to touch the world.when i read english novels,i can feel the pleasure from the
book which is different from reading the translation.when i speak english, i
can feel the confident from my words.when i write english,i can see the beauty
which is not the same as our chinese...
i am flying today, speech is the ideal
wing, as a middle school student, we are in love fantasy, love to dream, love
highlight their personality, love and zhang yang us different, we were not
mistaken, we now are not qualitatively period of development, there is no one
standard for us to judge their own life and values. we always let adults know
that we can do it yourself to live, you can solve their own problems, but we
have some dependence. love day dreaming, perhaps today we want to be a teacher,
to educate our newcomers, and perhaps tomorrow we want to be a scientist to
explore our humanity to the present do not know some of the mystery, or we have
no way to explain some phenomena ... ...
we are willing to bury the reality of the
cruelty and injustice, we are our parents, our elders could not understand some
of the practice of life, we do not understand why they like to do ah. it is our
wish too much too young to bury social experience. attitude of life when we are
not deep.
down we love fantasy, love to dream of
behavior, we need to do one for the people and human progremake a difference.
to our actions to prove that we have!
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